Yesterday, the finance minister, Rachel Reeves, presented a Labour budget. People have been asking for Labour’s mission and principles to be more distinctly expressed. Through the decisions made – a shift to a fairer tax system, focusing on wealth to pay for addressing child poverty, quality public services and the living expenses – we have clearly set out what we stand for.
That’s why Labour MPs applauded in the Commons, and it’s why we are ready for the battles to come. And it’s why the protests from the right began immediately.
The central division in British politics is once again on the economy. On the one hand Labour, who want to change it so it helps ordinary working people, and on the opposite side, our opponents, who support the status quo and the unsuccessful doctrine of the past. We must now confront, and win, the debate.
The Tories were given 14 years to resolve things and instead, by every standard, they got much worse. Their doctrinaire austerity and trickle-down economics – tax breaks for the wealthy, reducing investment (leaving us with poor productivity and wages), and failing to support young people after the pandemic – didn’t work.
Quality of life fell by the biggest amount since records began, child poverty reached record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest on record, wages remained flat, a housing crisis took hold, young people scarred by Covid were left on the scrapheap. The history of failure continues.
A single budget alone can’t put all this right, so Labour has a long-term plan for renewal and for restructuring the country. And we have to go out and continue making the case for why our strategy will reap dividends.
Under the Tories, welfare spending rose substantially. As did child poverty, because they failed to tackle the root causes: low pay, high housing costs, significant inequalities in education, health and regions. The state ends up paying more to deal with the symptoms instead of the solution.
That’s why we are building more affordable homes than for a generation, increasing wages and enhanced protections for workers, massively boosting investment in infrastructure and new industries, reducing waiting lists down and bringing down the costs of childcare and energy as we pursue clean power.
This is also the reason we are completely justified to use this budget to remove the two-child benefit cap.
For eight long years, since it was enacted, poorer families with children have endured from a cruel social experiment that was branded as fair for working people when it was the opposite. Most of the families impacted by it have a parent in work.
It has only served to push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, ultimately, costs us more, as well as being heartless and unethical.
From experience from my own district – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of ending the cap – the actual impact it’s had. Children wearing £1 wellies as school shoes, children going to bed hungry and cold, living in overcrowded, mouldy homes, parents during the holidays relying on food banks for a modest meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already stretched but have to divert time and resources to supporting children who are living with the results of deep poverty.
Just a quarter of pupils from the most disadvantaged families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with almost 75% among wealthier families. This predisposes them for the challenges they face during their lives: missed potential, economic struggles and ill health. Children who grew up in poverty are more likely to be unemployed or poor as adults.
Addressing child poverty isn’t just a ethical duty, it is a long-term investment. Poverty costs the economy significantly more than the £3bn cost of removing the two-child cap, or expanding free school meals.
That’s why we acted urgently in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees over a hundred additional children pushed into poverty. The benefits of lifting it will not occur overnight either, so acting early in the parliament was vital.
The cap was a symbol to 14 years of failed conservative ideology. Now it is abolished.
We, as Labour, can also be explicit that these initiatives are being paid for in a just way – from a new gambling levy, closing tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Equity and purpose – that’s how we will win the battle of ideas. This budget is a definitive statement that we gained the election as Labour, and will govern as Labour. As I consistently said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must reclaim the political platform and set the agenda more forcefully about what’s truly flawed with the country and how we are repairing it. We’ve definitely done that this week.
So let’s keep hold of it and prevail in this struggle about how we will renew Britain and address the deep inequalities impeding progress.